Fidel Castro

  Copyright © 2017 by Hollan Publishing

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  Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on file.

  Cover design by Michael Short

  Cover and insert photographs: Shutterstock

  Print ISBN: 978-1-63158-190-8

  Ebook ISBN: 978-1-63158-191-5

  Printed in the United States of America

  TABLE OF CONTENTS

  Introduction

  Chapter One: Castro the Bold Young Boy

  Chapter Two: Learning to Rebel

  Chapter Three: The Student Rebel

  Chapter Four: Castro and Chibas

  Chapter Five: Castro vs. Batista

  Chapter Six: Planning Moncada Barracks Attack

  Chapter Seven: Absolved by History

  Chapter Eight: Imprisoned

  Chapter Nine: Personal Upheaval

  Chapter Ten: Training an Army in Mexico

  Chapter Eleven: Castro and Che

  Chapter Twelve: The Granma Landing

  Chapter Thirteen: The Takedown

  Chapter Fourteen: Batista Falls

  Chapter Fifteen: Changing the Government

  Chapter Sixteen: Military Tribunals

  Chapter Seventeen: Religion, Race, & Revolution

  Chapter Eighteen: Castro’s Social Reform

  Chapter Nineteen: Castro and Women’s Reform

  Chapter Twenty: Castro Meets World

  Chapter Twenty-One: Castro and Khrushchev

  Chapter Twenty-Two: Trouble in Playa Girón (the Bay of Pigs)

  Chapter Twenty-Three: Cuban Missile Crisis

  Chapter Twenty-Four: Castro and Kennedy

  Chapter Twenty-Five: Reaching Out to Latin America and Beyond

  Chapter Twenty-Six: Castro and the Fall of the USSR

  Chapter Twenty-Seven: Emigration Issues

  Chapter Twenty-Eight: Castro in Africa

  Chapter Twenty-Nine: Cuban Economics

  Chapter Thirty: Castro and Nelson Mandela

  Chapter Thirty-One: Castro and Chávez

  Chapter Thirty-Two: Mending Fences

  Chapter Thirty-Three: Health and Consequences

  Chapter Thirty-Four: Stepping Down

  Chapter Thirty-Five: Castro’s Retirement

  Chapter Thirty-Six: The Castros and Obama

  Chapter Thirty-Seven: The Final Farewell

  Chapter Thirty-Eight: Cuba and the U.S.: A Shaky Future

  Excerpts from Castro’s Speeches

  History Will Absolve Me

  To The U.N. General Assembly: The Problem of Cuba and Its Revolutionary Policy

  May Day Celebration: Cuba Is A Socialist Nation

  Bibliography

  INTRODUCTION

  It’s difficult to imagine a more polarizing figure in the 20th and early 21st centuries than Fidel Castro. In reading and researching his life and political rise and growth, I have been able to find nearly as many evaluations, books, and articles that praise him as a hero as there are that proclaim he’s the devil himself.

  Which is the true Fidel?

  I’ve come to the conclusion that really depends—and probably always will—on perception.

  On the one hand, Fidel was a hero. Since taking the reins in Cuba, he improved conditions for women and minorities and increased literacy, among other progressive advances. He helped in the fight against apartheid. He was revered by some world leaders, including Nelson Mandela, as a tireless humanitarian.

  On the other hand, he nationalized businesses, cut into profit margins, and socialized health care—which, from wherever you stand, is good or bad. He was reviled by some world leaders, including any American Republican president who’s been in office since the Cuban Revolution in 1959.

  Did he exile the wealthy? Throw them out of the country and take away their land and homes? It depends on whom you ask. Some will angrily stand true to this conviction until their dying breath; others will say this wasn’t the case, that the wealthy ran to the U.S., where they waited in vain for the U.S. government to oust the cunning Communist.

  From whichever side of the Fidel fence you sit, what remains undeniable is that Fidel Castro was a powerful man with powerful ideas, who devised a revolution and maintained control of a country for more than five decades.

  The illegitimate son of a wealthy landowner and the cook from the house that landowner had shared with his first family and wife, Fidel didn’t grow up in poverty himself, but it surrounded him. Many kids from around the area would never finish high school, let alone grade school, because their families had no money. Fidel studied away from home with the Jesuits, and went on to complete college and law school. Not much for classroom learning, he read everything from literature to law and public policy, and developed a deep, abiding passion for Marxism, which changed his life.

  He got involved in politics while still a student, and after graduating and setting up his own law practice, he began organizing and plotting against Fulgencio Batista, who had taken control of Cuba in a military coup. His first attempt failed; in training for his second attempt, he solidified an enduring friendship with Argentine revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara, and together with Fidel’s brother, Raul, they took back Cuba.

  In power, Fidel did things that were objectionable, like abolish the multiple-party system and elections in general, nationalize business, and socialize reforms. He became an enemy to capitalists everywhere, even inspiring the United States to attack Cuba (with Cuban exiles, incidentally) in the early 1960s. In making “friends” with a Communist superpower, he nearly had the power to end the world, or so was the perception during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

  While the economy of Cuba has ebbed and flowed—in large part due to the embargo imposed by the United States and the fall of the USSR—he remained at the helm for more than five decades. Love him or hate him, one can’t deny the impact had on the world for a half century.

  The primary focus of this book is to create a profile of Fidel Castro by “painting” with his own words. In other words, what comes through here is the history of Fidel, according to Fidel. History at large may be able to pinpoint the irony and the untruths in his words, but there’s no denying the clarity, the focus, the conviction, and the passion of his thoughts.

  “History will absolve me,” said Fidel in his famous speech, defending himself, during his trial for the attack on the Moncada Barracks. Whether that will be true in everyone’s interpretation of history, of course, remains to be seen.

  —Alex Moore

  October 2013

  CHAPTER ONE

  CASTRO THE BOLD YOUNG BOY

  November 6, 1940

  Santiago de Cuba

  Mr. Franklin Roosevelt, President of the United States.

  My good friend Roosevelt I don’t know very English, but I know as much as write to you. I like to hear the radio, and I am very happy, because I heard in it, that you will be President for a new (periodo). I am
twelve years old. I am a boy but I think very much but I do not think that I am writing to the President of the United States. If you like, give me a ten dollars bill green american, in the letter, because never, I have not seen a ten dollars bill green american and I would like to have one of them.

  My address is:

  Sr Fidel Castro

  Colegio de Dolores

  Santiago de Cuba

  Oriente Cuba

  I don’t know very English but I know very much Spanish and I suppose you don’t know very Spanish but you know very English because you are American but I am not American.

  (Thank you very much)

  Good by. Your friend,

  (Signed)

  Fidel Castro

  If you want iron to make your sheaps ships I will show to you the bigest (minas) of iron of the land. They are in Mayari Oriente Cuba.

  Fidel Castro was the third of his mother’s seven children, born on Aug. 13, 1926, on their farm in Birán, Cuba. His parents kept busy running the large family farm and bearing and raising his younger siblings. As a result, much of his young life was spent at boarding schools where his parents paid others to look after him. Fidel’s formal education began at the young age of four at the country school in Birán. His older brother and sister, Ramón and Angelita, attended the school, and were instructed by a teacher who lived in Santiago and who would come to Birán to teach lessons and stay at the schoolhouse. Although he was only four, Fidel would join his older brother and sister when they went to school, and they gave him a desk right up front. Two years later, when Fidel was six, his parents sent his sister Angelita to Santiago to live and study with their teacher, and young Fidel went along. Soon after, their brother Ramón came too, and all three children lived as boarders with the teacher’s family.

  Fidel hated living with the teacher in Santiago. Her family was poor, and Fidel’s life of freedom and plenty in Birán did not prepare him for the dirty, crowded, restrictive conditions in the small city. Fidel wasn’t sent to school or given lessons, and spent his time idly about the house, or playing in the street with other young boys. And he was always hungry. In Birán there was always enough to eat, but at the teacher’s house the meals were divided between the whole family. Fidel explained in a later interview:

  “Suddenly I discovered that rice was very tasty, and sometimes they’d serve the rice with a piece of sweet potato, or some picadillo—I don’t remember that there was ever any bread—but the problem was that the same little bit of food, for six or seven people, was supposed to last through lunch and dinner—the food that was sent in at lunch. The food came from the house of one of the teacher’s cousins, whom they called Cosita, ‘Little Bit’ or ‘Little Thing’. She was a very fat lady. I don’t know why they called her Cosita. Apparently, she was the one who ate all the food.”

  Fidel and his siblings were delivered from this living situation one day when Lina arrived to visit her three eldest and found them remarkably malnourished. She brought them to a café to eat their fill of ice cream and mangoes, and then brought them back home to the farm in Birán.

  The next time the teacher returned to the little town, Fidel and his brother made a plan to get revenge. The two set up a fort of logs across from the schoolhouse and, using a slingshot, fired stones up and onto the galvanized zinc roof, making a huge racket. Fidel recalled the prank with pride. “The rocks landing on that zinc roof … by the time two or three were hitting the roof, there’d be two or three more in the air—we considered ourselves experts at that.” This was Fidel’s first real act of rebellion, a childish act of revenge against an authority who he’d perceived mistreated him.

  As he continued with his schooling, he found plenty of other opportunities to raise his voice—and his fists.

  After leaving the teacher’s house, Fidel returned to Santiago to study at the Colegio de La Salle from the first through the fifth grades, boarding at the school’s facilities and sharing a room with his brothers and a friend. Here there was plenty to eat, and Fidel enjoyed living at the school, especially when they would visit the facilities by the water, where he could swim and fish and play sports with the other boys.

  It wasn’t long before Fidel clashed with his teachers. He fought with one in particular, Vice Principal Brother Bernardo, who was in charge of boarding students. Fidel had made a particular enemy of this vice principal, he said, by fighting with another student who happened to be one of Brother Bernardo’s favorites. The vice principal slapped him for this, hard. Later he slapped Fidel again, for speaking out of turn while waiting in line.

  The third and final time he raised his hand to Fidel was in the courtyard, while boys were getting ready to play a game. Fidel was scrabbling with his classmates, deciding who would be at bat first, when he felt the vice principal hit him on the side of the head.

  “But that was the last time, because I just blew up. I was so furious that I took those buttered rolls [from breakfast] and threw them right in the vice principal’s face, as hard as I could, and then I ran at him and jumped on him like a little tiger—biting him, kicking him, hitting him with my fists, in front of the whole school. That was my second rebellion. I was a student and he was a figure of authority who abused and humiliated a student.”

  Needless to say, Fidel and his brothers soon left the Colegio de La Salle and were sent home again to the farm in Birán. As punishment for their bad behavior, the boys’ parents decided they would not be sent to another school. This suited Fidel’s brothers, but Fidel was angry. This was clearly another instance where his opinions and those of the authority figures clashed—and so Fidel rebelled again, this time threatening to burn his house down if his parents didn’t send him to school. Fidel claimed his parents were impressed with his enthusiasm for learning, or, as Fidel put it, “My mother was always the peacemaker. My father, very understanding—he may have liked how firm I was in defending my right to go to school. Whatever the case, my parents decided to send me off to school again.” It is notable that in this retelling, Castro said he was defending his right; he frames his threat as an instance of standing against an authority to defend what is right, where another observer might say he was demanding he get his own way, and by threatening violence, no less. Even from a young age, Fidel Castro was a man unafraid to ask for what he wanted.

  As a result of Fidel’s successful campaign to be sent back to school, he was soon enrolled at the Jesuit-run Colegio de Dolores in Santiago. Here, Fidel got along with his teachers. The Jesuits, it seems, knew what to do with a spirited young boy. Fidel said of them later, “They know how to form boys’ characters. If you do risky, difficult things, engage in that sort of activities, they see that as proof of an enterprising, determined character—a ‘get-up-and-go’ sort of character. They don’t discourage it.” As a Jesuit school well known for its high educational standards, the Colegio de Dolores was a popular school for wealthy students like Fidel. It was here that Fidel began to learn English, and penned his letter to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. He spoke of the letter casually many years after the fact, explaining that he wrote it while they were learning English from a textbook. “After the triumph of the Revolution, the Americans found my letter and published it, thanks to which I have a copy of it, because I didn’t keep one. And there are people who’ve told me that if Roosevelt had only sent me $10, I wouldn’t have given the United States so many headaches!” Castro didn’t offer much other information about this strange moment in time, although he did say he got a response and that they hung a copy on the bulletin board. But the letter gives an interesting view of a young man who had learned to speak up early in life, and who was unafraid of directly addressing authority.

  CHAPTER TWO

  LEARNING TO REBEL

  “I was the son of a landowner, not the grandson. If I’d been the grandson of a rich family I’d have been born … I’d have an aristocratic birth, and all my friends and all my culture would have been marked by a sense of superiority over other p
eople. But in fact, where I was born, everybody was poor … My own family, on my mother’s side, was poor … and my father’s family in Galicia was also very poor.”

  When one thinks of Fidel Castro rising up to overthrow the “tyranny of capitalism,” one might imagine that he grew up at the butt end of the economic system, that it crushed his family and his young spirit enough that rebelling against it was all he could do. However, it’s interesting to note that Fidel Castro did not grow up in poverty, or anything close to it. Yet the concept of the injustice of poverty, coupled with an innate rebellious streak, were what would eventually propel Fidel to act against a system that had some having more at the expense of others.

  Fidel had a rebellious streak, and one could surmise it was in his blood. Fidel’s father, Ángel Castro, hadn’t always necessarily played by the rules himself. The elder Castro hailed from Galicia, Spain. In 1895, at aget 17, he signed up with the Spanish Colonial Army, apparently paid by a wealthy landowner to take the landowner’s place in the Army.

  Nearing the end of the 19th century, Spain’s once-vast stake in North America had dwindled down to Puerto Rico and Cuba. While the Cuban Independence Movement began in the 1880s, it was not until around the point that Ángel had joined the Spanish Army that the movement was beginning to be taken seriously by Spain, and 7,000 soldiers were sent to Cuba to “look after” Spain’s interests on the small island, Ángel among them.

  But the once-thriving world power of Spain was in a shaky place in the late 1890s, and when Spanish Prime Minister Canavas del Castillo was assassinated in 1897, the resulting confusion and unrest in the Spanish government gave the insurgents the open window they needed to take control of Cuba, and, with the help of America, were finally able to push out Spain and deliver independence to Cuba. Well, not complete independence, as the American military did occupy the island for years after.

  In any case, many Spanish soldiers decided not to go back to Spain but to make Cuba their new home, Ángel Castro among them, which could be seen as an act of rebellion—opting not to return to the country he had been fighting for, and instead making a life among the insurgents who had taken Cuba away from Spain.